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Intro -- Apartheid -- Key information -- Introduction -- Context -- South Africa: colonisation and rivalries -- Omnipresent racial segregation -- The contradictions of South Africa at the end of the Second World War -- Key protagonists -- Daniel Malan, Calvinist preacher and South African politician -- Nelson Mandela, South African lawyer and statesman -- F.W. de Klerk, South African statesman -- Apartheid -- Setting up a regime of segregation -- South African resistance -- International condemnation -- The long process of abolishing apartheid -- Impact -- The restoration of democracy in South Africa -- South Africa today -- A duty to remember? -- Summary -- Find out more.

ALTHOUGH MODERATE TO HIGH SOCIAL & ECONOMIC HETEROGENEITY ARE TYPICAL OF SUBURBS & CENTRAL CITIES, THE BLACK POPULATION HAS BECOME HIGHLY SEGREGATED RESIDENTIALLY. THIS SEGREGATION HAS LITTLE ECONOMIC BASE, BUT IS PRIMARILY FOUNDED ON RACIAL DISCRIMINATION. THE MILITARY IMAGES USED TO DESCRIBE BLACK 'INVASION' OF NEIGHBORHOODS & WHITE 'FLIGHT' FROM CENTRAL CITIES EXPRESS RACIAL CONFLICT & DISTORT OUR PERCEPTION OF METROPOLITAN TRENDS. AS A 1 IN 8 MINORITY NATIONALLY, BLACKS ARE NOT NUMEROUS ENOUGH TO 'TAKE OVER' MANY CENTRAL CITIES. THE HIGH CONCENTRATION OF BLACKS IN A COUPLE DOZEN CITIES ENSURES THAT BLACKS WILL REMAIN A SMALL MINORITY IN 200 OTHER METROPOLITAN AREAS. DEMOGRAPHIC DATA SINCE 1970 INDICATE A REVERSAL OF THE CENTURIES-LONG PROCESS OF INCREASING METROPOLITAN CONCENTRATION & A SHARP DIMINUTION IN THE FLOW OF BLACK MIGRANTS TO LARGE CITIES. TO DATE, THERE IS NO EVIDENCE OF SHARP SHIFTS IN THE RESIDENTIAL ISOLATION OF BLACKS. BLACK SUBURBANIZATION IN SOME METROPOLITAN AREAS HAS FOLLOWED THE CENTRAL CITY PATTERN OF SEGREGATION. THE ALTERED DEMOGRAPHIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE 1970'S & '80'S HOLD OUT PROSPECTS FOR CHANGE, BUT THOSE PROSPECTS DEPEND ON THE NATION'S EFFORTS TO REDUCE CONTINUING DISCRIMINATION IN THE SALE & RENTAL OF HOUSING. MODIFIED HA.

The literature on ethnic fractionalization and conflict has yet to be extended to the American past. In particular, the empirical relationship between racial residential segregation and lynching is unknown. The existing economic, social, and political theories of lynching contain implicit hypotheses about the relationship between racial segregation and racial violence, consistent with more general theories of social conflict. Because Southern lynching occurred in rural and urban areas, traditional urban measures of racial segregation cannot be used to estimate the relationship. Earlier analysis has analyzed the relationship between lynching and racial proportions, a poor proxy for racial segregation. We use a newly developed household-level measure of residential segregation (Logan and Parman 2017) that can distinguish between the effects of increasing racial homogeneity of a location and the tendency to segregate within a location given a particular racial composition to estimate the correlation between racial segregation and lynching in the southern counties of the United States. We find that conditional on racial composition, racially segregated counties were much more likely to experience lynchings. Consistent with the hypothesis that segregation is related to interracial violence, we find that segregation is highly correlated with African American lynching but uncorrelated with white lynching. These results extend the analysis of racial/ethnic conflict into the past and show that the effects of social interactions and interracial proximity in rural areas are as important as those in urban areas.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Reconstruction and Inequality -- Segregation and the Law -- Arguing Before the Court -- The Ruling of theCourt -- The Impact of Plessy -- Chronology -- Glossary -- Further Information -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author -- Back Cover.

Although moderate to high social and economic heterogeneity are typical of suburbs as well as central cities, the black population has become highly segregated residen tially. This segregation has little economic base, but is based primarily on racial discrimination. The military images used to describe black "invasion" of neighborhoods and white "flight" from central cities express racial conflict and distort our per ception of metropolitan trends. As a one-in-eight minority na tionally, blacks are not numerous enough to "take over" many central cities. The high concentration of blacks in a couple dozen cities ensures that blacks will remain a small minority in 200 other metropolitan areas. Demographic data since 1970 indicate a reversal of the centuries-long process of increasing metropolitan concentration and a sharp diminution in the flow of black migrants to large cities. To date, there is no evidence of sharp shifts in the residential isolation of blacks. Black suburbanization in some metropolitan areas has followed the central city pattern of segregation. The altered demographic circumstances of the 1970s and 1980s hold out prospects for change, but those prospects depend on the nation's efforts to reduce continuing discrimination in the sale and rental of housing.

The pandemic brought migrant farm workers into the limelight once again, as has happened repeatedly in the last three decades, in Italy as in many other parts of the world. Here I examine how intersecting and sometimes conflicting discourses and interventions, that have this biopolitically conceived population as their object, decide upon these subjects' worthiness of attention, care, and sympathy through criminalizing, victimizing, and humanitarian registers. I reflect on some of the affective dynamics that sustain both the governmental operations through which these populations were (sought to be) managed and reactions against them from a situated perspective, as an accomplice to many of the forms of struggle in which migrant farm workers have engaged in the last decade in Italy. The stage for many such occurrences is what I have elsewhere defined as the "encampment archipelago" that many such workers, and particularly those who migrate from across West Africa, inhabit—labor or asylum-seeker camps, but also slums or isolated, derelict buildings, and various hybrid, in-between spaces among which people circulate. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The authors argue that white racial attitudes have shifted from a universal rejection of blacks as potential neighbors to an acceptance of open housing in principle—but not in practice. As a result, 1970-1980 declines in racial segregation were confined to metropolitan areas where the number of blacks was so small that desegregation could be accommodated without threatening white preferences for limited interracial contact. Although new housing construction created an impetus for integration in some areas by increasing the proportion of homes built under the Fair Housing Act, most urban blacks lived in older urban areas where new housing was quite limited.